Laws that limit the resale of tickets for entertainment and sports events make potential audience members for those events worse off on average.
Responses
© 2025. Kent A. Clark Center for Global Markets.
8%
5%
3%
5%
13%
50%
18%
Responses weighted by each expert's confidence
© 2025. Kent A. Clark Center for Global Markets.
3%
5%
12%
53%
27%
Participant |
University |
Vote |
Confidence |
Bio/Vote History |
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![]() Daron Acemoglu |
MIT | Bio/Vote History | ||
Third degree price discrimination can make consumers on average better off or worse off.
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![]() Alberto Alesina |
Harvard | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Joseph Altonji |
Yale | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Alan Auerbach |
Berkeley | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() David Autor |
MIT | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Katherine Baicker |
University of Chicago | Bio/Vote History | ||
True in an aggregate way, but distributional implications so not necessarily true for even majority of people.
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![]() Marianne Bertrand |
Chicago | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Raj Chetty |
Harvard | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Judith Chevalier |
Yale | Bio/Vote History | ||
You can find equilibria where allowing resale makes some worse off. Of course it is interesting why the venue doesn't charge the mkt price.
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![]() Janet Currie |
Princeton | Bio/Vote History | ||
Without controls, scalpers may buy up all tickets and sell them at high prices. High income people gain, but low income people lose.
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![]() David Cutler |
Harvard | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Angus Deaton |
Princeton | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Darrell Duffie |
Stanford | Bio/Vote History | ||
Sounds like there are possible gains from trade. Although I'm no expert, I don't see the negative externality caused by opening this market.
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![]() Aaron Edlin |
Berkeley | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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![]() Barry Eichengreen |
Berkeley | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Ray Fair |
Yale | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Pinelopi Goldberg |
Yale | Bio/Vote History | ||
Free trade leads to more efficient outcomes in general, but gains from allowing resale would be distributed unequally
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![]() Claudia Goldin |
Harvard | Bio/Vote History | ||
It all depends on how the tickets were initially sold. The question is why there was excess demand in the first place.
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![]() Austan Goolsbee |
Chicago | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Michael Greenstone |
University of Chicago | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Robert Hall |
Stanford | Bio/Vote History | ||
Of course, the big mystery is the strong tendency to underprice tickets at the box office. Correcting that tendency would be socially good.
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![]() Bengt Holmström |
MIT | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Caroline Hoxby |
Stanford | Bio/Vote History | ||
Classic example in which good (tickets) are not allocated to those who value them most. Only exception:ticket-holder's identity matters.
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![]() Kenneth Judd |
Stanford | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Anil Kashyap |
Chicago Booth | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Pete Klenow |
Stanford | Bio/Vote History | ||
Yes, though the gains in allocative efficiency could be mitigated by transaction and queuing costs.
-see background information here |
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![]() Edward Lazear |
Stanford | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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![]() Jonathan Levin |
Stanford | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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![]() Eric Maskin |
Harvard | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() William Nordhaus |
Yale | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Maurice Obstfeld |
Berkeley | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Emmanuel Saez |
Berkeley | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() José Scheinkman |
Columbia University | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Richard Schmalensee |
MIT | Bio/Vote History | ||
Since no-resale rules may affect price structures, this may not be as simple as it seems.
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![]() Hyun Song Shin |
Princeton | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() James Stock |
Harvard | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Nancy Stokey |
University of Chicago | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Richard Thaler |
Chicago Booth | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Christopher Udry |
Northwestern | Bio/Vote History | ||
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![]() Luigi Zingales |
Chicago Booth | Bio/Vote History | ||
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