In her September 2022 State of the Union address, the European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen called for windfall taxes on energy companies’ profits. She also flagged the possibility of price caps to reduce household and business bills for gas and electricity, which have soared in recent months.
In June 2022, we invited our European panel to express their views on such proposals. We asked the experts whether they agreed or disagreed with the following statements, and, if so, how strongly and with what degree of confidence:
a) A windfall tax on the excess profits of large oil and gas companies – with the revenue rebated to households – would be an efficient way to provide temporary relief for the average household in European countries from rising energy costs.
b) Fiscal measures putting a cap on consumer energy prices would be a more appropriate immediate response to increased inflation in the euro area than raising interest rates.
Windfall taxes
Of our 48 European experts, 33 participated in this survey. On the first statement, there is a diversity of opinion. Weighted by each expert’s confidence in their response, 4% of the panel strongly agree, 46% agree, 33% are uncertain, 17% disagree, and 0% strongly disagree.
The experts are able to include short comments in their responses, many of which add considerable nuance to their simple poll responses. For example, among those who agree, there are some notable caveats.
Ricardo Reis at the London School of Economics (LSE) states: ‘Yes in principle, but highly uncertain effect on expectations of future taxes for lucky industries, subsidies when energy prices fall, etc.’ Charles Wyplosz at the Graduate Institute, Geneva, says: ‘It is a poor substitute for a fully-rebated carbon tax, but a better approach to raise revenues than a general tax or a deficit.’ And Franklin Allen at Imperial College London comments: ‘This redistribution may have some long-run effect on investment but seems appropriate given the current situation in many countries.’
Among those who say they are uncertain, several panelists note the challenges of implementing windfall taxes. Patrick Honohan at Trinity College Dublin remarks: ‘The geopolitical circumstances could justify an excess profits tax, but operationalizing it successfully in a multi-country world tricky.’ And Nicholas Bloom at Stanford speaks from personal experience of having worked in government: ‘Having been the official in charge of a windfall tax on oil firms in the UK in 2001, this is much more complex than it sounds.’
Other concerns mentioned by experts who say they are uncertain include those expressed by Jan Eeckhout at Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Barcelona: ‘Tax inelastic supply (resources), by all means. Levy ad hoc taxes on ex post outcomes, not so sure. Norway example: 78% profits tax, always.’ Costas Meghir at Yale adds: ‘Excess profits are very hard to measure and profitability should be measured by the longer-run return to capital.’ And Christian Leuz at Chicago Booth observes: ‘The incidence of this tax is unclear but matters. Moreover, there are many issues with constitutionality and implementation of this tax.’
Among those who disagree with the statement, there are some strong views. Kjetil Storesletten at the University of Oslo protests: ‘People invest because they think they can harvest the return. Ex post taxation infringes on property rights and kills investment incentives.’ And Jan Pieter Krahnen at Goethe University Frankfurt concludes: ‘Windfall profits in the energy sector and relief for poorer households are two different things that must not be connected directly.’
American perspectives
Similarly strong opinions were voiced by some members of our US panel when, in March 2022, we asked effectively the same question about policy on energy costs in the United States:
A windfall tax on the profits of large oil companies – with the revenue rebated to households – would provide an efficient means to protect the average US household from rising energy costs.
Of our 43 US experts, 36 participated in this survey; and while there was a similar diversity of opinion, they were more inclined to disagree with the statement than the European panel: nearly a half of US respondents compared with only a sixth of Europeans. Weighted by each expert’s confidence in their response, 4% of the panel strongly agree, 34% agree, 16% are uncertain, 35% disagree, and 12% strongly disagree (totals don’t always sum to 100 because of rounding).
Among those who disagree, some note the potential effects on the incentives of companies and consumers. Robert Shimer at Chicago replies: ‘It would reduce energy costs now, but anticipation of future taxes reduces the incentive to invest in stable supply.’ And David Autor at MIT objects: ‘I want energy companies to invest right now. I also want consumers to reduce energy consumption. This idea discourages both.’
Others echo the view that taxing windfall profits and helping households should be thought of separately. Oliver Hart at Yale declares: ‘Arbitrary taxes are bad and a windfall tax is arbitrary. Better to help poor households directly.’ And Larry Samuelson at Yale suggests: ‘The rebate would help households, but is a piecemeal policy. A comprehensive tax reform and coherent energy policy would be more efficient.’
Of the US panelists who agree with the statement, two refer to environmental issues. Maurice Obstfeld at the Peterson Institute notes: ‘Especially in view of climate goals.’ And Daron Acemoglu at MIT concludes: ‘But should be motivated not as windfall but punitive tax for all of their misbehavior on climate and clawing back of fossil fuel subsidies.’
Capping consumer energy prices
On the second statement about whether putting a cap on consumer energy prices would be a more appropriate immediate response to increased inflation than raising interest rates, a majority of panelists say that they disagree. Weighted by each expert’s confidence in their response, 4% of the panels strongly agree, 11% agree, 7% are uncertain, 36% disagree, and 43% strongly disagree.
Among those who agree, Oliver Blanchard at the Peterson Institute argues: ‘This is a case where a larger fiscal deficit can make the job of monetary policy easier.’ But Jan Eeckhout, who says he is uncertain, objects: ‘Messing with the price system leads to disequilibrium, which someone has to pay anyway. Better monetary and fiscal policy plus redistribution.’
Of the panelists who disagree, some focus on alternative ways to help poorer households. Jan Pieter Krahnen says: ‘Thou shall not manipulate market prices, because of adverse allocative consequences. Poorer households may be compensated directly.’ Ernst Fehr at the University of Zurich suggests: ‘Instead of a cap on energy prices, poor households should receive a cash transfer to soften the burden of high energy prices.’ Jean-Pierre Danthine at the Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne adds: ‘I do not favor such a measure for ecological reasons. Direct subsidies to poorer households are preferable.’
Others are also concerned about the impact on incentives for reduced energy consumption. Franklin Allen replies: ‘Such a cap would blunt incentives to reduce usage of energy and so be counterproductive.’ And Charles Wyplosz observes: ‘Energy prices should rise because supply is diminished (and good for the long run too). Inflation is another matter.’
Still others do focus directly on inflation and potential policy responses. Lubos Pastor at Chicago states: ‘Inflation is broader-based, going well beyond rising energy prices.’ Patrick Honohan says: ‘The energy price shift is – and should be – unlikely to be temporary; strongly negative nominal policy interest rate hard to justify now.’ Pol Antras at Harvard comments: ‘Inflation is broad-based. Price controls would reduce energy costs, but would likely foster spending, aggravating inflation. Need tightening.’ And Ricardo Reis explains: ‘Monetary policy is the right tool to deal with inflation’, linking to one of his papers on the topic.
Finally, two experts go back to history. Kjetil Storesletten observes: ‘We tried price caps as an instrument to curb inflation in the 1970s. It didn’t work then and it will not work now.’ And Nicholas Bloom concurs: ‘Price controls don’t work – there is a long history of evidence on this. Indeed, not sure why this is even a question.’
All comments made by the experts are in the full survey results for the European and US panels.
Romesh Vaitilingam
@econromesh
September 2022
Question A:
A windfall tax on the excess profits of large oil and gas companies – with the revenue rebated to households – would be an efficient way to provide temporary relief for the average household in European countries from rising energy costs.
Responses
Responses weighted by each expert's confidence
Question B:
Fiscal measures putting a cap on consumer energy prices would be a more appropriate immediate response to increased inflation in the euro area than raising interest rates.
Responses
Responses weighted by each expert's confidence
Question A Participant Responses
Participant | University | Vote | Confidence | Bio/Vote History |
---|---|---|---|---|
Franklin Allen |
Imperial College London | Bio/Vote History | ||
This redistribution may have some long run effect on investment but seems appropriate given the current situation in many countries.
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Pol Antras |
Harvard | Bio/Vote History | ||
Though energy pricing appears to need a much broader reform.
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Olivier Blanchard |
Peterson Institute | Bio/Vote History | ||
Because Europe is a net importer of energy, it cannot raise this way close to enough to subsidize consumers. Different in US
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Nicholas Bloom |
Stanford | Bio/Vote History | ||
Having been the official in charge of a windfall tax on oil firms in the UK in 2001 this is much more complex than it sounds.
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Richard William Blundell |
University College London | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Agnès Bénassy-Quéré |
Paris School of Economics | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Elena Carletti |
Bocconi | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Jean-Pierre Danthine |
Paris School of Economics | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Paul De Grauwe |
LSE | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Jan Eeckhout |
UPF Barcelona | Bio/Vote History | ||
Tax inelastic supply (resources), by all means. Levy ad hoc taxes on ex post outcomes, not so sure. Norway example: 78% profits tax, always
|
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Ernst Fehr |
Universität Zurich | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Xavier Freixas |
Barcelona GSE | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Nicola Fuchs-Schündeln |
Goethe-Universität Frankfurt | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Jordi Galí |
Barcelona GSE | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Francesco Giavazzi |
Bocconi | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Rachel Griffith |
University of Manchester | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Veronica Guerrieri |
Chicago Booth | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Luigi Guiso |
Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Sergei Guriev |
Sciences Po | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Patrick Honohan |
Trinity College Dublin | Bio/Vote History | ||
The geopolitical circumstances could justify an excess profits tax, but operationalizing it successfully in a multi-country world tricky
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Beata Javorcik |
University of Oxford | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Jan Pieter Krahnen |
Goethe University Frankfurt | Bio/Vote History | ||
Windfall profits in the energy sector and relief for poorer households are two different things that must not be connected directly.
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Botond Kőszegi |
Central European University | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Eliana La Ferrara |
Harvard Kennedy | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Christian Leuz |
Chicago Booth | Bio/Vote History | ||
The incidence of this tax is unclear but matters. Moreover there are many issues with constitutionality and implementation of this tax.
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Thierry Mayer |
Sciences-Po | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Costas Meghir |
Yale | Bio/Vote History | ||
Excess profits are very hard to measure and profitability should be measured by the longer run return to capital.
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Marco Pagano |
Università di Napoli Federico II | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Lubos Pastor |
Chicago Booth | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Torsten Persson |
Stockholm University | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Christopher Pissarides |
London School of Economics and Political Science | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Richard Portes |
London Business School | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Canice Prendergast |
Chicago Booth | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Carol Propper |
Imperial College London | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Imran Rasul |
University College London | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Lucrezia Reichlin |
London Business School | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Ricardo Reis |
London School of Economics | Bio/Vote History | ||
Yes in principle, but highly uncertain effect on expectations of future taxes for lucky industries, subsidies when energy prices fall, etc.
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Rafael Repullo |
CEMFI | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Hélène Rey |
London Business School | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Antoinette Schoar |
MIT | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Kjetil Storesletten |
University of Minnesota | Bio/Vote History | ||
People invest because they think they can harvest the return. Ex post taxation infringes on property rights and kills investment incentives
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Daniel Sturm |
London School of Economics | Bio/Vote History | ||
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John Van Reenen |
LSE | Bio/Vote History | ||
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John Vickers |
Oxford | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Hans-Joachim Voth |
University of Zurich | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Karl Whelan |
University College Dublin | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Charles Wyplosz |
The Graduate Institute Geneva | Bio/Vote History | ||
It is a poor substitute for a fully-rebated carbon tax but a better approach to raise revenues than a general tax or a deficit.
|
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Fabrizio Zilibotti |
Yale University | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Question B Participant Responses
Participant | University | Vote | Confidence | Bio/Vote History |
---|---|---|---|---|
Franklin Allen |
Imperial College London | Bio/Vote History | ||
Such a cap would blunt incentives to reduce usage of energy and so be counterproductive.
|
||||
Pol Antras |
Harvard | Bio/Vote History | ||
Inflation is broad based. Price controls would reduce energy costs, but would likely foster spending, aggravating inflation. Need tightening
|
||||
Olivier Blanchard |
Peterson Institute | Bio/Vote History | ||
This is a case where a larger fiscal deficit can make the job of monetary policy easier.
|
||||
Nicholas Bloom |
Stanford | Bio/Vote History | ||
Price controls don't work - there is a long history of evidence on this. Indeed, not sure why this is even a question.
|
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Richard William Blundell |
University College London | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Agnès Bénassy-Quéré |
Paris School of Economics | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
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Elena Carletti |
Bocconi | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
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Jean-Pierre Danthine |
Paris School of Economics | Bio/Vote History | ||
I do not favor such a measure for ecological reasons. Direct subsidies to poorer households are preferable
|
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Paul De Grauwe |
LSE | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
Jan Eeckhout |
UPF Barcelona | Bio/Vote History | ||
Messing with the price system leads to disequilibrium, which someone has to pay anyway. Better monetary & fiscal policy plus redistribution
|
||||
Ernst Fehr |
Universität Zurich | Bio/Vote History | ||
Instead of a cap on energy prices poor households should receive a cash transfer to soften the burden of high energy prices
|
||||
Xavier Freixas |
Barcelona GSE | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
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Nicola Fuchs-Schündeln |
Goethe-Universität Frankfurt | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
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Jordi Galí |
Barcelona GSE | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
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Francesco Giavazzi |
Bocconi | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
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Rachel Griffith |
University of Manchester | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
Veronica Guerrieri |
Chicago Booth | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
||||
Luigi Guiso |
Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
Sergei Guriev |
Sciences Po | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
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Patrick Honohan |
Trinity College Dublin | Bio/Vote History | ||
The energy price shift is — and should be — unlikely to be temporary; strongly negative nominal policy interest rate hard to justify now.
|
||||
Beata Javorcik |
University of Oxford | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
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Jan Pieter Krahnen |
Goethe University Frankfurt | Bio/Vote History | ||
Thou shall not manipulate market prices, because of adverse allocative consequences. Poorer households may be compensated directly.
|
||||
Botond Kőszegi |
Central European University | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
||||
Eliana La Ferrara |
Harvard Kennedy | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
||||
Christian Leuz |
Chicago Booth | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
Thierry Mayer |
Sciences-Po | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
||||
Costas Meghir |
Yale | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
Marco Pagano |
Università di Napoli Federico II | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
Lubos Pastor |
Chicago Booth | Bio/Vote History | ||
Inflation is broader-based, going well beyond rising energy prices.
|
||||
Torsten Persson |
Stockholm University | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
||||
Christopher Pissarides |
London School of Economics and Political Science | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
||||
Richard Portes |
London Business School | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
Canice Prendergast |
Chicago Booth | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
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Carol Propper |
Imperial College London | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
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Imran Rasul |
University College London | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
Lucrezia Reichlin |
London Business School | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
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Ricardo Reis |
London School of Economics | Bio/Vote History | ||
Monetary policy is the right tool to deal with inflation.
-see background information here |
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Rafael Repullo |
CEMFI | Bio/Vote History | ||
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Hélène Rey |
London Business School | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
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Antoinette Schoar |
MIT | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
Kjetil Storesletten |
University of Minnesota | Bio/Vote History | ||
We tried price caps as an instrument to curb inflation in the 1970s. It didn’t work then and it will not work now
|
||||
Daniel Sturm |
London School of Economics | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
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John Van Reenen |
LSE | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
John Vickers |
Oxford | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
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Hans-Joachim Voth |
University of Zurich | Bio/Vote History | ||
|
||||
Karl Whelan |
University College Dublin | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|
||||
Charles Wyplosz |
The Graduate Institute Geneva | Bio/Vote History | ||
Energy prices should rise because supply is diminished (and good for the long run too). Inflation is another matter.
|
||||
Fabrizio Zilibotti |
Yale University | Did Not Answer | Bio/Vote History | |
|